MANY people did not expect much from the initial crimes against humanity charges, which then Sen. Sonny Trillanes and Rep. Gary Alejano filed eight years ago before the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Rodrigo Duterte and his minions, including Bato dela Rosa, Jose Calida, among others.
What Trillanes and his group did was an uphill climb. They had to endure the broackbats and ridicule from their colleagues in the ruling coalition and democratic opposition. But they persisted. In the long run, they were correct. The charges have prospered.
Gongdi is now languishing in an ICC prison facility in The Netherlands awaiting the process to unfold. As expected, his camp has been moving heaven and earth for his “unconditional release,” to which we could only laugh to our heart’s content because it does not appear to be that easy to achieve.
I have documented Gongdi’s war on drugs in my first book, “KILL KILL KILL Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines; Crimes Against Humanity v. Rodrigo Duterte Et. Al.” This book was first published in Sept. 2023. Two years have passed and many things have happened necessitating its update and revision.
I have the pleasure of completing my third book, which has the same title, and this is the revised and udpated edition of Gongdi’s war on drugs. The original book has 11 chapters, but the revised edition adds seven chapters, which are all updates of this political tragedy that has befallen our beloeved Philippines. It will be submitted to the printer this week and copies are expected to be out by December, 2025.
I hardly changed my narrative on the genesis of the crimes against humanity charges which Trillanes and Alejano brought to the ICC. Excerptss:
THE intensified war against illegal drugs did not sit well with the political opposition. Although its ranks were decimated by mass defections of its leaders and followers to the ruling coalition, which Rodrigo Duterte had formed upon winning the elections, its remaining members were concerned that his war on drugs was getting out of hand. Duterte’s order to clean the nation of illegal drugs was in line with his campaign promise to finish the drug issue in “three to six months,” PNP officials and personnel felt they had the “license to kill” and “neutralize” suspects even without legal basis. They went on killing sprees, murdering suspects as they pleased, and bypassing the legal processes, which they likened to obstacles to reach their goal of a “drug free Philippines.” Even the innocents were killed without provocation. This caused uproar not only from the political opposition but the human rights community, particularly the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) and several local human rights groups. The international community was concerned with the sudden change of atmosphere in the Philippines.
As mass violence intensified the ballyhooed war on drugs, a member of the European Union Parliament quietly arrived in Manila in the early morning of one balmy day in September, 2016 to get a complete picture of the war on drugs. Unbeknown to the Duterte government, the European parliamentarian was part of a group of European lawmakers, whom their Parliament assigned to validate reports of mass murder in the Philippines. The European parliamentarian broke protocol to get in touch with the democratic opposition and other stakeholders, including the Legal Left, which was in a moral dilemma on its informal alliance with the Duterte government at that time. The European lawmaker had a one-on-one talk with Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV, who was in the last half of his second six–year term of office. The two lawmakers met in a quiet hotel and had vigorous exchanges of views that centered on reports of human rights violations under the infamous Project Double Barrel. It was not known if the European lawmaker met any other member of the democratic opposition. It could be surmised that the meeting took place because Trillanes was one of the most vocal opposition leaders against the bloody war on drugs during those days.
The dialogue was straightforward, as the two lawmakers sat for at least two hours of intense conversation. At the outset, the European parliamentarian expressed grave concern over the reported mass violence, where thousands of people allegedly involved in drug use and trafficking were murdered with impunity. Trillanes was not surprised with the European lawmaker’s concern. In his seven and a half year of incarceration as one of the leaders of the failed 2004 Oakwood mutiny, Trillanes knew from his extensive readings while in jail that Europe suffered the brunt of the two destructive world wars in the first half of the 20th century. Trillanes knew the emergence of the madman in Adolf Hitler, who almost conquered the whole of Europe. The European parliamentarian had nothing but empathy for the Filipino people, who elected Duterte as president. Trillanes said the summary executions had violated the constitutional precepts on equal protection of the law and presumption of innocence. There was no due process of law, he noted. There was no rule of law, he added.
DECENT PROPOSAL. The European lawmaker was not content to listen to Trillanes’s narrative of the local condition from the lens of the democratic opposition. It could be presumed that he did not travel thousands of miles and spent time, resources, and efforts to listen to the gripes of the democratic opposition. He slowly but surely unveiled his purpose and adroitly navigated the intricate web of diplomatic talks. The parliamentarian, whom Trillanes did not identify because he promised him protection, gave the decent proposal that would lead him to start the immediate filing of crimes against humanity against Duterte before the International Criminal Court (ICC). Reconstructing from Trillanes’s memory, their conversation proceeded this way:
EUROPEAN UNION PARLIAMENTARIAN: You should not feel helpless with what your president has been doing to your people. I am not bound here by diplomatic niceties, but I propose that you take immediate actions.
ANTONIO F. TRILLANES IV: I understand, Your Honor. But how shall we proceed? May I have the pleasure of hearing any suggestions?
EU PARLIAMENTARIAN: I suggest that you go to the International Criminal Court since the local justice system, as you have said, could not function anymore. Go and file charges of crimes against humanity against Duterte and his people engaged in that war against the Filipino people.
ANTONIO F. TRILLANES IV: I must confess that I am not familiar with the ICC’s operations. But this is a proposal worth exploring, Your Honor.
EU PARLIAMENTARIAN: Study the ICC and its operations. But you have to start immediately because the process takes a long time. The charges against Duterte may or may not prosper, Your Honor. But you have big chances that it would prosper. It is worth trying to stop Duterte from his track.
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THE INTERNATIONAL OPTION
HIS fateful meeting with the unidentified European parliamentarian solidified his view that not much could be expected from the domestic criminal justice system and that he had to take the bull by its horns by resorting to the international criminal justice system to settle the raging issue of mass violence in Duterte’s war on drugs. He knew Duterte, although a lawyer, was pursuing an illegal drug war that had no respect for the rule of law and due process. Being a former soldier and not a lawyer, Trillanes confessed his disadvantage because he had to vet the proposal. He asked the Magdalo Party List and his legislative staff to conduct complete staff work and determine the possible filing of charges against Duterte before the ICC. The anti-drug war, the centerpiece program of the Duterte government, had to be stopped on its bloody and deadly track. There was no turning back.
In over a month of complete staff work that sapped the energy of his Magdalo colleagues and legislative staff, the results came out positive and conclusive. It was possible to file crimes against humanity against Duterte and his cohorts before the ICC. There was a basis to make him responsible for those killings. The democratic opposition could bring it before the world body. But when he consulted his colleagues in the Senate on the possibility of joining forces in the first ever complaint against Duterte before the ICC, he was disappointed with their reactions. They were reluctant to join him. They were hesitant to go against the flow, warning they did not want to get involved because Duterte, whom they already thought was a gangster and madman during those days, could and would retaliate. They were fearful of reprisals. Fear was clearly etched in their hearts.
At that time, Leila de Lima was being persecuted. They were afraid to follow de Lima’s fate. When he floated to the mass media the idea of going to the ICC and filing charges of crimes against humanity against Duterte, Trillanes did not get the support of his colleagues. Then Senate President Aquilino Pimentel III, a mediocre lawmaker (a poor version of his fearless father lawmaker Aquilino Jr.), who is not known for any legislation of substantial consequence, described as “nonsense” the crimes against humanity charges against Duterte and his minions without knowing and understanding the nature of those charges. Some mocked him, believing it would not take off and, ergo, was bound to fail. Sen. Panfilio Lacson said the charges were destined to the “dustbin of history.” The puerile Sen. J. V. Ejercito dramatized the impossibility and uselessness of his planned charges by describing it as “suntok sa buwan” (punch on the moon). Even Ma. Leonora Robredo, Duterte’s vice president and admittedly a leader of the democratic opposition, did not take any effort to support him. In short, nobody wanted to join him. It was a lonely battle because he knew he would be alone to go against Duterte. But he did not lose hope. The next events seemed to conspire to push him to file the crimes against humanity against Duterte and company before the ICC.
On Sept. 15, 2016, or a few days after Trillanes met the European lawmaker, the European Union, through its Parliament, came out with a stinging resolution on its deep concern on the excessively high number of people killed in anti-drug operations. The European Parliament urged the Duterte government “to condemn the actions of vigilante groups and to investigate their responsibility for the killings” and conduct “an immediate, thorough, effective and impartial investigation in order to identify all those responsible, to bring them before a competent and impartial civil tribunal and to apply the penal sanctions provided for by the law.” The European Parliament’s resolution contained important information and inputs that would define the bilateral relations between the region-state and the Philippines, which was then viewed as veering toward a new episode of authoritarianism.
The European Parliament acknowledged as a “national and international concern” the illegal drug trade in the Philippines, even as it cited the official report that 20% of the barangays in the country reported drug-related crimes and that “the Philippines is considered to have the highest usage rate of methamphetamines in East Asia.” Furthermore, it cited as indication of Duterte’s state policy to murder drug suspects the part of the resolution that “President Duterte repeatedly urged law enforcement agencies and the public to kill suspected drug traffickers who did not surrender, as well as drug users.” Duterte reacted violently to the resolution. He slammed the European Parliament for what he considered an “intervention into internal affairs” of the Philippines. Henceforth, their bilateral relations have been strained.
Curiously, the EU statement came out at the time the delegations of the EU and the Philippines were discussing an agreement to enhance free trade between the two entities. Because of Duterte’s indifferent attitude toward the EU, discussions for a free trade pact between the two sides were suspended, adversely affecting entry of Philippine exports to the European market. The lack of substantial willingness to cooperate from the Philippines has led to the suspension of further discussions for a free trade pact. After five years, no free trade accord has been crafted. The withdrawal of the GSP+ preferences (Generalized System of Preference) has triggered the loss of competitiveness for Philippine exports in the European market.
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FAILED MUTINY
ANTONIO Fuentes Trillanes IV was among the leaders of the failed Oakwood Mutiny, where over 300 soldiers and police officers mutinied and holed in on July 27, 2003 at the lobby of the now defunct Oakwood Hotel in Makati City’s Central Business District along the fabled Ayala Avenue. The rebel soldiers surrendered and the Oakwood mutiny leaders went to prison. Trillanes, then a Navy lieutenant senior, joined the botched Oakwood mutiny to protest widespread corruption under the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo government. Trillanes was also involved in the 2007 Manila Peninsula Hotel siege, where he and the late Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim marched from the courtroom, where their cases were being held, and went to hole in at the five-star hotel in Makati City.
As spokesman of the Oakwood Mutiny, Trillanes gave face to the military rebellion. For 20 hours, the mutineers had a standoff with government forces, after which they surrendered. Trillanes and his co-mutineers were jailed. He and co-mutineers suffered seven and a half years in jail, enduring humiliation while in detention. His jailers withdrew his electric fan from his cell at the height of summer and conducted unrestrained but humiliating body searches for visiting members of his family. He described the experience as “very enriching.” It was a period of reading, group discussions largely with his co-mutineers, and deep reflection and introspection. It was comparable to taking up a doctorate degree, he said with an air of derision to his captors, particularly Arroyo, who was later imprisoned on charges of plunder during the 2010-2016 incumbency of President Benigno Aquino III.
UNTHINKABLE. While in prison, Trillanes and other mutineers did the unthinkable. From the confines of their prison cells, they launched the senatorial bid of Trillanes in the 2007 midterm election without the resources and support of established political parties and leaders. He was later adopted by the Genuine Opposition composed of the anti-Arroyo forces in the middle of the political campaign. It was largely a quixotic quest, but Trillanes and the jailed Magdalo leaders displayed youthful idealism, exuberance, and persistence to do the impossible. From being on the 53rd in the initial opinion polls, Trillanes showed strength particularly at the homestretch of the intense political campaign.
It was only in the last few days of the political campaign, they sensed they had a shot to capture a Senate seat. Trillanes, who ran as an independent without resources, won and landed 11th with votes of over 11 million. He won without resorting to a public campaign. Despite his political victory, Trillanes did not go out immediately from jail. The judge handling their rebellion cases denied his petition to discharge his duties as an elected senator. On Nov. 27, 2007, Trillanes along with detained Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim walked out of their court hearing in Makati City and holed up at the nearby posh Manila Peninsula Hotel. It was a big gamble.
The second uprising, dubbed the “Manila Peninsula Siege,” sealed his fate. It was a mistake, as the political leaders, who promised to join him and start another mass protest, did not show up at the appointed time and place. Because of the failed siege, he remained in jail for the rest of Arroyo’s presidency. It was during this period of his incarceration that he realized he could not rely on traditional politicians, when it came to starting a mass protest. It was better to rely and take advantage of the democratic processes than the promises of the traditional politicians. It also during this period he learned Eric Hoffer’s classic book, “The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements,” of which its ideas have formed a huge part of the core of his democratic beliefs and values.
The political wind changed when Sen. Benigno Simeon Aquino III, a political ally, won in the 2010 presidential elections. Before the end-2010, Aquino issued Presidential Proclamation 75, granting amnesty to Trillanes and co-mutineers. By December 20, 2010, he walked out of prison to assume his duties as senator. In 2013, Trillanes ran for reelection under the Liberal Party coalition. Despite a shoestring budget and the fact he had the least number of airtime among the senatorial candidates, he won to improve his position to land 9th with votes of over 14 million.
Trillanes attributed his past victories to two factors: a strong anti-corruption agenda, and the extensive use of the Samahang Magdalo network. The anti-corruption agenda was an extension of Magdalo’s rebellion against the Arroyo government. In 2007, Trillanes and co- inmates relied on the informal Magdalo mass base, doing networking with supporters primarily in the AFP and PNP , using social media, mainly the now defunct Friendster (Meta or Facebook was then a nascent social networking site). Magdalo had a solid mass base to become a formal organization of volunteers. In 2009, they had formalized their mass base into the Samahang Magdalo, a socio-economic entity advocating the fight against corruption in public service. Upon their release from jail in 2010, the Magdalo mutineers did organizational work to recruit new members, conduct party building, and strengthen the organization.
The Samahang Magdalo was tested as a formal organization in 2013, when it worked for the Senate reelection of Trillanes and the election of Gary Alejano and Ashley Acedillo as Magdalo Party List representatives. “We used the same formula in 2007 and 2013. There was nothing new. The Samahang Magdalo was at the front,” Trillanes said. To test Magdalo’s political strength, Trillanes ran for vice president in 2016 but lost to Leni Robredo. He kept his seat in the Senate and finished the second half of his second six-year term.
POOR MAN. Trillanes ranked the poorest senator based on his Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN), but he has championed the anticorruption campaign, as he and the Samahang Magdalo believe that corruption is deeply embedded in government and endemic in the Filipino psyche and culture. This explains why he went all out against the top of the political totem pole, battling Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, corrupt military generals, Juan Ponce Enrile, and Jejomar Binay. Trillanes explained that it was no coincidence that he has been going after the top political honchos, as they had committed alleged acts of corruption. This is Samahang Magdalo’s advocacy; it constitutes the main reason the young military officers staged their mutiny in 2003.
Trillanes single handedly raised corruption issues against the Binays. Despite discouragement from fainthearted fellow senators Sergio Osmena III and Francis Escudero, who saw failure in his anti-corruption campaign, Trillanes filed the original resolution seeking a Senate probe “in aid of legislation,” citing the overpriced Makati parking building as the initial target of probe. His resolution and the subsequent official probe conducted by the Senate Blue Ribbon committee had snowballed into what could be perceived as an irreversible political and public relations nightmare for the then Vice President and his son, then Makati City Mayor Jejomar Jr., as they were forced to assume a defensive mode.
Although he languished in prison for the first half of his first six-year term, Trillanes, when he went out of jail, transformed himself into a conscientious and productive senator, who led in the enactment into law of several bills of national importance and gained a solid reputation for his strong stance against irregularities in government. What he fought in the two mutinies, he brought on the Senate hall, earning the enmity of several colleagues, who did not agree with him. In the Senate, the bullheaded Trillanes was one of the most reliable lawmakers in enacted bills especially for the workers, public servants particularly teachers, and the men and women in uniform (AFP and PNP). In advocacy works, Trillanes has established a reputation of a maverick for his stubborn and fierce resistance for every major issue raised on the Senate floor.
There were no holy cows for Trillanes. Uncompromising, irreverent, and independent-minded, Trillanes, as a senator, did not hide his feelings and said them publicly regardless of who got hurt. He did not hesitate to show his disdain for colleagues, whom he perceived to be corrupt and compromised and, ergo, did not gain his respect. He worked with everybody but agreed with nobody when his principles were at stake. In his two terms in the Senate, Trillanes was not involved in any scandal. He was a picture of integrity and moral rectitude. He is known to be an upright man, who would not hesitate to speak against corruption.
Antonio F. Trillanes IV was born on August 6, 1971 in Caloocan City to Antonio Trillanes, a retired navy captain, and Estelita Fuentes, a homemaker. He is married to Arlene Orejana, a soldier and PMA graduate too. They have three children: Francis Seth, Thea Estelle, and Alan Andrew (deceased). After two years of college education at De La Salle University, he went to the Philippine Military Academy (PMA), the country’s premier military school, and earned a diploma cum laude on BS Naval Engineering System in 1995. Upon graduation, Trillanes joined the Philippine Navy. His unit arrested smugglers, poachers, illegal loggers, human smugglers and traffickers, and illegal fishermen in Philippine waters, enabling him to garner medals and citations for his accomplishments.
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ANTI-DUTERTE OPPOSITION
WHEN Rodrigo Duterte assumed the presidency in 2016, Trillanes took an opposition stance, refusing to join the majority, although it was the most fashionable and convenient to do at that time. Instead, he chose to stay with the democratic opposition, which was heavily decimated by defections of its leaders. He decided to raise issues after issues against Duterte and his political flunkeys and junkies. Trillanes was among the first to call Duterte a “mass murderer,” an unpalatable tag which stuck deeply although Duterte did not like it. Right after the elections, Trillanes sustained the issues he raised against Duterte in the political campaign. Among these issues was that Duterte had billions of pesos in bank deposits in a local universal bank. He challenged him to declassify records of those bank deposits by signing a bank waiver so that they would be opened publicly. Duterte, afraid of the consequences, refused vehemently, claiming he had no reason to sign any bank waiver.
Duterte, who was described a narcissist, was hurt by Trillanes’s revelations and series of challenges. Duterte could not run away from his tirades, even as Trillanes kept on relentlessly provoking him to respond. In what seemed a fit of madness, Duterte went public to reveal that Trillanes, essentially a poor man compared to his richer colleagues, had “secret bank accounts” that ran to several “millions of dollars” in foreign banks. Duterte raised the ante by claiming that Trillanes “received “as bribery an unspecified amount of money from dubious sources.
Trillanes, counterpunched by bringing several journalists to the head office of a major bank in Singapore, which Duterte named the alleged depository bank of his non-existent accounts. In front of the quizzical journalists, bank authorities denied the existence of those bank accounts and the money deposits alleged by Duterte to have been owned by Trillanes. Embarrassed by Trillanes’s counterblow, Duterte could not say anything but swallowed his pride. It was a shining moment for Trillanes for he had emerged a prudent man after learning his lessons from the failed 2003 Oakwood Mutiny and 2007 Manila Peninsula Siege. Later, a humiliated Duterte went public to say that he made up those revelations, effectively making a fool of himself. Duterte admitted in public that what he revealed about Trillanes were fake news and ergo, false. He said that he did it to embarrass and get even with Trillanes.
NO DILIGENCE STUDY. In an eyeball to eyeball situation with Trillanes, Duterte blinked first. Trillanes was the big time winner in his tussle with the short-fused but limited Duterte, who bought and bit hook, line, and sinker, the false information fed him by an unrepentant bit player, who claimed to have done an alleged diligence study on Trillanes. It was no diligence study but manufactured information based on fake documents. Those baseless allegations, which Duterte raised before the bar of public opinion, could not be proven because Trillanes was so poor that he could not provide his family a house of their own. His modest house was given to his family by his parents-in-law, who have come to embrace Trillanes as their own son.
This is not all. Antonio F. Trillanes IV had come to perceive that Duterte’s war on drugs is a phony war, or basically a war against the poor and the downtrodden. There was more to what met the eye in his fake war. For him, it was intended to get rid of the competition, as Duterte was the drug lord himself. Trillanes has reached the view that the Duterte family was involved in the drug trade, believing the alleged drug lords killed in the anti-drug operations were competitors with whom he did not want to share with them the lucrative illegal domestic drug market.
Hence, Trillanes did what could be regarded as an almost impossibility – initiating the filing of crimes against humanity charges against Duterte and his ilk at the ICC. This was not only unprecedented by all standards but most daring as well. Bringing the incumbent president before the world court defies the Filipino mind, enabling Trillanes to capture the people’s imagination. He is not just a former rebel soldier turned politician, but a leader of statesman character. Trillanes has established the reputation that he could be a good ally, but a dangerous enemy as well because he does his homework. He is always a step or two ahead of his opponents.
Duterte’s response to Trillanes’s rise as his credible enemy was feeble and ridiculous. He threw his last dice by ordering his slow-witted flunkey from Davao City, then Solicitor General Jose Calida, to pursue new ways to put Trillanes back in jail. Calida had created a reputation not because of his mastery of the law, but because he had connections in the legal community and, ergo, he could fix cases. Like a magician who pulled a rabbit out from his hat, Calida came out with the August 31, 2018 Presidential Proclamation 572 signed by Duterte, voiding the presidential pardon issued by President Benigno Aquino III to Trillanes on the basis of “missing application forms.“ From Calida’s convoluted mind, following the logic of Duterte’s proclamation of withdrawal of the presidential pardon, Trillanes should go back to jail. It was that simple if we followed his logic.
Calida’s machinations were so laughable, although they could be compared to the discomfort like an aching impacted tooth. Duterte, fresh from his seven-day state visit to Jordan and Israel, appeared surprised and frustrated when he learned that Calida and the law enforcers failed to arrest Trillanes and put him back in jail. Speaking in the Sept. 8, 2018 arrival press briefing at the Davao City International Airport, Duterte could only say that he only signed the presidential proclamation because it was suggested by Calida. It was his way to extricate himself of any responsibility and complicity to what had happened to Trillanes.
For his part, Trillanes holed himself in at his Senate office. He did not go out until the threats of his rearrest had subsided. Two judges from two separate judges handled Trillanes’s rebellion trials. Judge Elmo Alameda of Makati Regional Trial Court Branch 150 ruled to reopen the rebellion trial on the basis of the flawed presidential proclamation. Makati RTC Branch 148 Judge Andres Soriano, in a separate coup d’etat case, refused to reopen any trial, saying Trillanes’s evidence was sufficient to prove he was validly given amnesty. Soriano ruled in that case he could not reopen a case that had long been closed by the amnesty grant. Alameda later allowed Trillanes to post bail for his temporary liberty. The matter was closed when the Court of Appeals ruled on March 2, 2021 that Alameda erred when he decided to reopen the case.
CALIDA’S MACHINATIONS. Duterte and his cohorts, including Calida, were so humiliated by their failure to put Trillanes back in jail. They might not know it but many people and parties quietly helped the lawmaker to escape arrest. They included then Senate President Tito Sotto III, who adamantly refused to allow the PNP team to arrest him in the Senate premises. Then Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana said to the effect that Calida manipulated the loss of Trillanes’s amnesty paper at the Department of Defense. In short, Calida could have bypassed Lorenzana, a big no-no among co-equals. Certain people from the Office of the Solicitor General were said to have leaked information on Calida’s moves, enabling Trillanes to prepare and counter his initiatives. From a mutineer, Trillanes has carved a different identity to become an apostle of democracy.
This is not the end of the story. Throwing his own dice, Trillanes delivered his October 3, 2018 privilege speech, alleging that Calida’s security agency has acquired government contracts since 2016. In his privilege speech “in aid of legislation,” Trillanes revealed that at least 16 government contracts were “cornered” by Vigilant Investigative and Security Agency Inc., a security firm owned by Calida and his family, since becoming solicitor general in 2016. The contracts had a total amount of P358.3 million. He presented documents to bolster his claim of graft against Calida.
Trillanes accused Calida of violating the rules against conflict of interest, as the Office of the Solicitor General reviews contracts entered into by the government. While Calida claimed to have resigned as president in 2016, he did not divest from Vigilant Security to remain a registered stockholder. Calida claimed he did not violate the law.
His privilege speech virtually brought Calida down on his knees, as the latter never engaged in any move to shackle Trillanes. The soldier turned lawmaker declared that he would keep the documents to indicate he reserves the right to file them before the appropriate state agencies, most likely the Office of the Ombudsman, after the June 30, 2022 end of Duterte’s tenure. In brief, Calida is a marked man.
