The Rise of QuadCom

MY THIRD book, “KILL KILL KILL Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines; Crimes Against Humanity v. Rodrigo Duterte Et Al. Revised and Updated Edition,” discusses at length the many pivotal developments that took place in 2024 and 2025.  One of them was the emergence of the powerful QuadCom, the supercommittee that was formed in the House of Representatives in mid-2024 to look into among other things the anti-drug strategy pursued by the infamous Duterte administration. The QuadCom facilitated many revelations in its probe of the war on drugs that Gongdi pursued. Care to read. Excerpts:

FOR a larger part of Philippine political history, the Senate was hailed as the better legislative chamber than the House of Representatives. This assertion has a basis though. The political leaders, who shone as national leaders, came mostly from the Senate. Several presidents – Manuel Quezon, Sergio Osmena, Carlos Garcia, father and son Ferdinand Marcos  Sr. and Jr., and Benigno Aquino III – were once senators before they took the nation’s steering wheel. Why not? The Senate serves as the proverbial training ground. It gives the best exposure to become president. Over the years, the Senate has served as a forum of many ideas, advocacies, and causes of the Philippine Republic. 

In contrast, the House of Representatives has been the legislative chamber of what are generally called and regarded as traditional politicians, whose unscrupulous ways have hurt the national interest. While the Senate is for advocates and champions of various causes, the House is for the so-called “trapos,” or the dishrags of Philippine politics. Crimes like corruption, plunder, bribery, and protection of vested interests are usually imputed on House members. Lately, many House members are identified with the creation of political dynasties, although a number of senators are dynasts too. 

But times have changed. Even for a brief moment in Philippine political history, the House of Representatives emerged as the intellectually superior and morally ascendant chamber than the Senate. This was something that never happened before. 

REVERSAL OF FORTUNE. The reversal of fortune came sometime in Aug, 2024. The House of Representatives, largely through the initiatives of then Speaker Martin Romualdez and key allies, formed the Quadrilateral Committee, or QuadCom, composed of four committees – Dangerous Drugs, Public Accounts, Human Rights, and Public Order and Safety. It was a supercommittee that tackled several burning issues, most of which were not explained before and fully known, clarified, and, ergo, unsettled to most Filipinos. Broadly, the QuadCom was formed to investigate the following issues: 

• Extrajudicial killings (EJKs), or probe into the killings linked to the Duterte’s bloody but failed war on drugs;
• Illegal POGOs, or probe into the Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators, mostly owned by Chinese nationals, and their alleged involvement in money laundering and human trafficking activities; and
• Drug trade, or probe into the illegal drug trade, involving mostly smuggled meth, or shabu from China, and its alleged connections to state officials and other entities. 

QuadCom held 15 consecutive public hearings over the last five months of 2024. It was a series that looked strange and toxic for most people because they were inordinately long proceedings. Each public hearing lasted an average of 12 hours. This was unseen before in the country’s republican history. This was something the Senate was not known even in its heydays. 

Those QuadCom public hearings were meaningful and pivotal, as many witnesses came forward and divulged for the first time what they knew and what could be regarded as concealed information that was not known publicly before the hearings. 

INTENSE GRILLING. In several instances, these witnesses, after intense grilling by Quadcom members, turned into virtual singing canaries. They made detailed accounts and accusations, explaining how some people messed up the war on drugs and illegal POGO operations. Several lawmakers, who were unknown before, rose to national prominence. The public approval for their performance in Quadcom public hearings was shown not just in subsequent opinion polls but in their reelection bids as well in the 2025 midterm elections. Except for very few, they won. 

QuadCom was involved in other high profile probes and came out with the following: 

• On Duterte’s war on drugs, it looked deeply not only into the EJKs but human rights abuses as well by the Duterte administration;
• On  Guo’s involvement in POGOs, it probed into the alleged connections of the dismissed Bamban Mayor Alice Guo to illegal POGO activities and other Filipino leaders; and
• On the issue of court charges, it has recommended the filing of charges against Rodrigo Duterte, and Senators Christopher Lawrence Go and Ronald dela Rosa, using a local law, or RA Act 9851 for crimes against humanity and other offenses.   

NON-FACTOR. No similar initiatives took place in the Senate. Thanks to the ineffective leadership of the packluster Francis Escudero, who, as then Senate President, did not take any initiative to match QuadCom. While Quadcom held marathon public hearings to know details of the  issues, the Senate slumbered as an institution. Except for Rodrigo Duterte’s appearance before the comedic public hearing of the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee on Oct. 28, 2024, nothing of consequence was heard from the Senate. It was a dead Senate during the last five months of 2024, when QuadCom’s unprecedented initiatives happened. The Senate was a non-factor in Philippine politics at that time. 

It was asked countless times the relevance, connection, and significance of the QuadCom probe on the ill-fated war on drugs, when crimes against humanity charges have been filed against the former president and cohorts before the ICC. It was explained several times too that QuadCom probe into Duterte’s war on drugs and EJKs has significant relevance to the crimes against humanity charges against him and cohorts at the ICC on the following grounds: 

• First, QuadCom’s inquiry gathered substantial pieces of evidence and testimonies implicating the former president and other high-ranking officials in serious crimes, including EJKs and corruption. These pieces of evidence could be crucial in building a strong case against Duterte and cohorts at the ICC. They have corroborative value.
• Second, the QuadCom’s findings recommended the filing of crimes against humanity charges against Duterte, Go, and dela Rosa, among others before a local court of law. These charges are similar to the charges  at the ICC, which accuses Duterte of involvement in dozens of killings as part of his “war on drugs.”
• Third, QuadCom’s investigation unveiled a “reward system” during Duterte’s incumbency and this system gave money incentives to police officers to kill drug suspects with rewards ranging from P20,000 to P1 million per kill. This reward system is in the ICC arrest warrant.
•  Fourth, QuadCom’s probe shows the importance of international cooperation to hold perpetrators accountable. ICC’s prosecution of Duterte complements QuadCom’s work to show global commitment to justice, accountability, and transparency.
• Fifth, QuadCom’s probe mentioned the Davao Death Squad, a vigilante group allegedly responsible for many murders in Davao City during Duterte’s tenure as mayor. The ICC arrest warrant accused Duterte of being the head of this group. Hence, the QuadCom probe reinforced the ICC probe. 

COMPLEMENTATION. Overall, QuadCom and ICC’s probes sought to hold Duterte and his minions accountable for their alleged crimes, providing a measure of justice for the victims and their families. QuadCom’s findings and recommendations could support the formal probe in the ICC, an international court, and future prosecution in any domestic court of law. Rep. Robert Ace Barbers, presiding officer, stressed this point several times in QuadCom’s series of public hearings. “They complement each other,” he said. 

In sum, QuadCom’s probe raised valuable pieces of evidence, testimonies, and immeasurable insights to inform the ICC about the crimes against humanity charges against Duterte and his cohorts. It was argued too that the QuadCom probe appeared to be a superfluity or redundance when crimes against humanity are already lodged against Duterte and his ilk at the ICC. This  is not true, QuadCom officials said. 

A local probe was only initiated two years after Duterte’s six-year term, of which the first three years had many EJKs. QuadCom’s probe was significant since it was the first local inquiry into the war on drugs. No local body initiated any probe into it. No sufficient courage was mustered among the local institutions to pursue it. It was not too late for the inquiry to occur. 

CRITICAL WITNESSES. QuadCom, in a sense, became the veritable forum, where critical witnesses testified to provide critical testimonies that uncovered concealed details. This was unexpected. This was QuadCom’s public attraction. Many people followed its proceedings because many pieces of information were unheard before. Col. Royina Garma’s confessions before the 2024 QuadCom series of public hearings were significant. 

For the first time, Garma revealed that Duterte asked her to look for a police officer, preferably a member of the Iglesia ni Cristo, to assume the post of a “point man,” who would implement the “Davao Model” of war on drugs on a national scale. This Davao Model involved not just the mere murder of drug suspects, but an elaborate reward system referring to cash payments for killing drug suspects, ranging from P20,000 to P1 million for each kill. Garma, who was personally close to Duterte, named Col. Edilberto Leonardo as the point man. 

Garma testified that Duterte created this reward system as an incentive for police officers, who did the killing sprees during the bloody but ill-fated war on drugs when he assumed the presidency in 2016. Garma, a graduate of the Philippine National Police Academy (PNPA) in 1997, said she was involved in implementing this system and supported it. She claimed that the reward system was  not only for police officers, who executed the kills but to finance operations and refund operational expenses as well. Garma claimed that Sen Christopher Lawrence Go had a role in the reward system, although the latter denied any involvement. 

Garma denied any role in the 2016 killing of three Chinese nationals convicted of drug offenses inside the Davao Penal Colony, but admitted to warn the ex-chief of the Davao Prison and Penal Farm, Senior Superintendent Gerardo Padilla not to interfere with the plan to kill the three inmates. Her testimony implicated Duterte in the systematic implementation of EJKs on a national scale, providing evidence linking him to national policies that facilitated human rights abuses. She is now a key witness in the case against Duterte. 

Garma was reported to have met ICC representatives somewhere in Malaysia shortly after she was deported from the U.S. on Sept. 8, 2025 mainly to testify against Duterte in the ICC trial. The meeting was said to have tied the loose ends of her supposed testimony against Duterte. It is not known where Garma stays, but local media has reported that she faces murder charges for the 2020 murder of Gen. Wesley Barayuga, a former PCSO board secretary. 

A Mandaluyong City Regional Trial Court has issued an arrest warrant against Garma for the barayuga’s murder, which is a nonbailable crime. The National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) has asked the International Police (Interpol) to help to bring Garma back to the Philippines and face these charges. Ex-Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV said the ICC has an arrangement with Interpol to exempt ICC witnesses like Garma from arrest. 

Other critical witnesses who appeared before QuadCom included ex- Sen. Leila de Lima, who explained that RA 9851, or the Crimes Against International Humanitarian Law, allows the Philippine government to surrender any person who faces charges before an international tribunal like the ICC. The local law does not stop the Marcos government from surrendering Duterte and his minions, who now face crimes against humanity charges before the ICC. 

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CONFLICT OF INTEREST 

SEEING  QuadCom’s initial success in its investigation of the bloody but failed war on drugs of Duterte, an asinine and intellectually inferior lawmaker from Davao City – Sen. Ronald  dela Rosa – attempted to call motu propio (on its own initiative) an investigation by a forgettable Senate committee he chaired of Duterte’s ill-fated war on drugs. He did it in early Oct., 2024, but his colleagues shot it down because they immediately sensed a conflict of interest. They refused to see the specter of the Senate becoming a laughingstock. 

Dela Rosa was the PNP chief when it was launched and Duterte used the PNP as an institution in his war on drugs. His colleagues foresaw it would be politically unpalatable if dela Rosa proceeded with his planned probe. Obviously, dela Rosa did not – or refused – to see the conflict of interest angle. Hence, senators did not like the Senate investigating itself. Dela Rosa is also named in the ICC charge sheet against Duterte. 

In the end, it was the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee chaired by Sen. Aquilino Pimentel III, an equally mediocre and ineffective lawmaker, who called the probe. But it was another story. At the Senate public hearing on Duterte’s war on drugs, senators perceived to be unabashedly loyal to Duterte, asked him about his role in the bloody but failed war on drugs but the former president made light of it. 

The hearing was supposed to be part of the Senate’s inquiry into EJKs and human rights abuses during his incumbency but pro-Duterte senators like dela Rosa, Go, and the comical Robin Padilla took turns to use the public hearing as a forum to exculpate him of any guilt. It was a public hearing that turned into a black comedy at the end. 

SYCOPHANCY. In their opening remarks, dela Rosa and Go took pains to deny the huge roles they played in the ill-fated war on drugs of Duterte. To escape responsibility in the failed war on drugs, dela Rosa blamed QuadCom for requiring him to appear before the more credible congressional body to explain his role in that war on drugs when he was the PNP chief. It was all talk. He never appeared before QuadCom for fear he would be outwitted there. 

For his part, Go, another Duterte flunkey, showed sycophancy by claiming Duterte’s war on drugs was a “big success” as shown by the huge number of kills during his incumbency. It was ironical that Go’s concept of victory was premised on the number of kills the Duterte government did on the poor, helpless, and powerless citizens. 

Not to be outdone, Padilla praised Duterte to high heaven as if he was the proverbial savior. A former inmate of the National Penitentiary Prison in Muntinlupa City, Padilla narrated his life at the prison and drew parallelisms with the alleged successes of Duterte’s war on drugs. 

For his part, Sen. Jinggoy Estrada grilled ex-Sen. Leila de Lima, who was invited in the hearing, as if she was the one facing an investigation. To ingratiate himself to Duterte and pin down de Lima for imagined culpability on the illegal drug issue, Estrada asked her why she did not probe what Estrada perceived to be the simmering drug problem when she was the justice secretary of the Aquino administration. 

De Lima sensed his beef and adroitly explained details, which Estrada did not know because he was in prison for involvement in the Philippine Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) anomaly. The less erudite dela Rosa blamed her for her failure to stop the drug issue. There were concerted efforts of the pro-Duterte senators to bash and shame her at the public hearing. But de Lima did not blink. She was not cowed. She knew their evil agenda. 

During the ill-fated Senate hearing, Duterte denied the thousands of reported EJKs were “state-sponsored.” He admitted using a “death squad” to combat crime when he was the Davao City mayor, but denied directing EJKs during his presidency. In a funny hyperbole, Duterte expressed willingness to stay for an extended public hearing until 4 a.m. of the next day to answer all questions from the Committee members. 

Overall, the Senate hearing did not make any impact on efforts to look into the magnitude of his war on drugs. Neither did it accomplish and come out with substantive results. It was all for show without any outcome. It was forgotten as soon as it was finished. 

MARATHON HEARINGS. On the other hand, QuadCom, in a span of five months, held energy-sapping marathon public hearings, gathered testimonies from a number of key witnesses, declared “in contempt” several witnesses, who were either uncooperative or hostile, and jailed them a few days or weeks, sought assistance from the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) and tracked money trail flows traced to POGO operations, and drafted legislative proposals including redefining EJKs as heinous crimes, forming an interagency committee to expedite cancellation of fraudulent birth certificates, and civil forfeiture of illegally acquired pieces of property by Chinese nationals, who were discovered to have fake Filipino citizenship. 

The public hearings triggered unprecedented public interest as lawmakers grilled witnesses, who were asked and urged to make confessions to untold levels unseen before. Many citizens watched the televised public hearings. As narrated by Arturo Catarata, QuadCom Secretary, the public hearings slowly but surely generated public interest, as many citizens never witnessed and heard the level of honesty and candor, which lawmakers and witnesses showed in the hearings. Several lawmakers showed an unprecedented level of iron-willed determination and vigilance in their treatment of witnesses, including the hostile ones. 

Citing personal experience, Catarata noted that he himself was noticed by the public. Since he administered oaths of witnesses in every QuadCom public hearing, Catarata said that ordinary citizens, who watched those public hearings, greeted him and openly praised Quadcom for its efforts to ferret out the truth. “I did not know them but they took efforts to greet me,” Catarata said. This was true among police officers because they kept on watching the public hearings as key PNP officials appeared there, Catarata said. 

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 DISCOVERIES, REVELATIONS AT QUADCOM

QUADCOM’S series of 15 public hearings have been exemplary, unique, and worthy of notice mainly because the supercommittee uncovered and collated substantial pieces of evidence and extracted testimonies from key witnesses, who implicated high-ranking officials, including Duterte, in serious crimes such as EJKs and corruption. Moreover, Quadcom brought several committees to collaborate and investigate complex issues, ensuring a thorough examination of the evidence and promoting transparency and accountability. 

Despite attempts to discredit its work, QuadCom remained committed to uncover truth and deliver justice to victims of human rights abuses, including families of EJK victims. Its legislative impact was beyond estimate, as QuadCom’s findings led to the drafting of measures, including bills that classify EJKs as heinous crimes, ban all forms of POGOs, and enable civil forfeiture of unlawfully acquired pieces of property. 

LAND ACQUISITION. In QuadCom public hearings, Rep. Robert Ace Barbers, presiding officer, and Rep. Joseph Stephen Paduano, co-chair, revealed that Chinese nationals  Tony Yang, brother of former Duterte economic adviser Michael Yang, Eddie Tai Yang, and Willie Ong were identified as key figures in the alleged massive land acquisition of 300-400 land titles of thousands of hectares in Pampanga. They used fake documents and Filipino dummies in their illegal acts of land acquisition. 

They said that those tracts of land were for businesses and warehouses. But they raised concern about their use for POGO operations, including money laundering and drug trafficking. On this premise, the two lawmakers urged the Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) to recover the lands and file forfeiture charges against those Chinese nationals, who were reported close to Duterte and the so-called “Davao Group.” 

The QuadCom probe highlighted the necessity for stricter examination of land acquisitions by foreigners and enforcement of the constitutional ban of foreign ownership of land. Hence, the OSG has agreed to review the documents and engage with other state agencies to gather evidence and build a case against the Chinese nationals, who masqueraded as Filipino nationals by using fraudulent documents, to skip the constitutional ban. 

The 1987 Constitution is clear about foreign ownership of local lands. Foreign nationals are not generally allowed to do so. Article XII, Section 7 of the 1987 Constitution says only Filipino citizens or corporations and associations at least 60% owned by Filipinos can acquire or own private lands in the Philippines. This means foreign individuals and foreign corporations are prohibited from directly owning private land. 

There are exceptions. Foreigners can inherit land from a Filipino descendant, but they need to divest or transfer the property if retention exceeds the constitutional constraints. Foreigners can own condominium units, but not exceeding 40% of the total project cost. Foreigners can lease land for up to 50 years, renewable once for 25 years more. 

Also, foreigners can invest in a domestic firm that owns land provided at least 60% of its equity is owned by Filipino citizens. Moreover, former natural-born Filipinos, or the so-called “dual citizens,” who reacquire Philippine citizenship through the legal process can own land without restrictions imposed on foreign nationals. 

‘DAVAO MODEL.’ QuadCom came out with revelations about the so-called “Davao Model,” a framework for EJKs in the bloody but ill-fated war on drugs of the Duterte government. Before QuadCom, Col. Royina Garma, former general manager of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO), implicated Duterte in the deaths of drug suspects and admitted the institution of what she described a “reward system,” where police officers received a reward for every killed suspect ranging from a minimum of P20,000 to a high of P1 million. 

The Davao Model meant the participation of the Davao City Group in a bigger scheme to control the illegal drug trade. Witnesses like Mark Ruben Taguba II, a customs broker, and Jimmy Guban, a former Bureau of Customs intelligence officer, confirmed in their separate affidavits to Quadcom that the so-called Davao Group was involved in large-scale drug smuggling and was protected by influential individuals. The two witnesses revealed that Paolo Duterte, Rodrigo’s lawmaker son, and Maneses Carpio, the estranged husband of Vice President Sara Duterte, were key figures in the Davao Group. They allegedly used their influence to facilitate the easy entry of contraband shipments. 

Their affidavits revealed how the Davao Group operated with impunity. They claimed the Davao Group allegedly smuggled large quantities of shabu (methamphetamine). The Department of Justice was reported to have been looking into the testimonies linking Paolo Duterte and Mans Carpio to the Davao Group. Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV expressed support for the ICC’s probe into the issue, hoping it would shed light on the issue. 

INTELLECTUALLY SUPERIOR. Sen. Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa did not attend a single QuadCom public hearing, although he was repeatedly invited by Manila Rep. Bienvenido Abante of Manila, chair of the Committee on Human Rights. In an act of unmitigated cowardice, dela Rosa expressed his thoughts through mass media. But every time Abante urged him to attend QuadCom hearings to clarify his involvement in the war on drugs, dela Rosa merely expressed his reluctance to face colleagues, who were intellectually superior to him. 

During the public hearings, critics alleged that Duterte’s war on drugs was a “grand budol” or a grand swindling scheme to benefit a Davao City-based drug syndicate connected to the Duterte family. The allegations suggested that the war on drugs was a front to eliminate competition and consolidate power. Trillanes argued along this line and QuadCom took it seriously. 

BARAYUGA MURDER. During a QuadCom public hearing,  the July 30, 2020 murder of Gen. Wesley Barayuga was discussed. Lt. Col. Santie Mendoza confessed before QuadCom of his involvement but implicated the alleged “masterminds,” whom he identified were Garma and Leonardo. At the time of his assassination, which took place at Mandaluyong City, Barayuga was the PCSO board secretary, while Garma was its general manager. Barayuga was known in military circles as an upright official. 

Mendoza revealed during QuadComl inquiry that the motive for his death was Barayuga’s alleged obstruction of Garma’s attempts to award small-town lottery franchises to favored associates, which required Barayuga’s signature as PCSO board secretary. Since Barayuga was an upright person, who would not indulge in illegal drug trade, his name was included in Duterte’s narcolist for no basis. Mendoza claimed before the stunned QuadCom that the real reason for his murder was Barayuga’s efforts to expose corruption at PCSO and that the drug-related motive was fabricated to justify the killing. 

Barayuga was killed at the intersection of Calbayog and Malinaw Streets, Barangay Highway Hills in Mandaluyong City. Motorcycle riding gunmen shot Barayuga while he was in his vehicle. Mendoza claimed a reward of ₱300,000 was given and it was divided among Mendoza, a certain Loloy, and Nelson Mariano, another police officer. Mendoza said he received ₱40,000 of the reward money. Mendoza and Mariano surrendered to police. Arrest warrants were issued against Garma, Leonardo, and two other suspects. 

GRIJALDO’ COVERUP. Col. Hector Grijaldo was the chief of the Mandaluyong City Police when Barayuga murder took place. QuadCom invited him to air his side, but he refused, citing a shoulder injury. His efforts to feign illness did not succeed. QuadCom cited him in contempt and he was briefly detained. Abante accused him of negligence in his police duties, saying that when Barayuga was murdered, he did not initiate any investigation or come out with a police report. “There was nothing, as if it did not happen at all,” Abante said. 

In a twist, Grijaldo, a Duterte supporter, testified before the Duterte-friendly public hearing of the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee on Oct. 28, 2024, accusing Abante and Rep. Dan Fernandez, another co chair, of pressuring him to confirm the existence of a reward system in the Duterte’s war on drugs. Grijaldo claimed that, during a QuadCom public hearing, Fernandez showed him a paper, which was allegedly Garma’s supplemental affidavit that detailed the reward system and directed him to confirm it. Grijaldo claimed he was asked to confirm something he allegedly did not know. 

QuadCom objected to Grijaldo’s accusations and denied any wrongdoing. Fernandez and Abante maintained that they only sought to gather information from Grijaldo, as suggested by Garma, who claimed Grijaldo could corroborate her testimony on the reward system. QuadCom leaders said their meeting with Grijaldo was initiated by Garma’s request and that they did not coerce or harass him into making any statement. Fernandez stated that Grijaldo’s claims were “lies” and that they never asked him to sign any affidavit or confirm anything that wasn’t true. 

Incidentally, Grijaldo alleged that Fernandez and Abante called him for a private meeting where they presented Garma’s supplemental affidavit and encouraged him to corroborate the reward system’s existence. Fernandez and Abante denied his claim, saying discussions were “cordial and respectful” and they were simply trying to get to the truth. Grijaldo’s claim was part of a bigger context, where the war on drugs probe included the alleged reward system. 

Grijaldo’s attempts to avoid the QuadCom probe and public hearings were unsuccessful. QuadCom cited him in contempt for skipping public hearings. He was taken into custody despite claims of shoulder pain. QuadCom issued a show-cause order demanding an explanation for his absence. Lawmakers questioned the legitimacy of his medical certificate. QuadCom cited him a second contempt for his repeated refusal to answer questions. 

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 OTHER REVELATIONS 

FUGITIVE Col. Eduardo Acierto made significant revelations at the 2024 QuadCom hearings, implicating Duterte and allies in various controversies. In online appearances before QuadCom public hearings, Acierto named Duterte, Go, and dela Rosa as the “key figures,” who allegedly protected  the illegal drug network in the country. Through the magic of modern technology, Acierto, who was not at QuadCom hearing room but elsewhere, narrated his experience, where he was asked to probe Michael Yang and Alan Lim, who were allegedly in the drug trade. 

Acierto claimed that after he reported his findings, his efforts were ignored. He was threatened. His testimony before QuadCom suggested that Duterte was involved and he protected his allies, including Michael Yang and Alan Lim. Acierto mentioned the “Davao Mafia,” implying that Duterte and his allies were involved in illicit activities, including drug trade. His testimony was important for several reasons: 

•  His revelations corroborated other evidence and testimonies presented at the QuadCom hearings, strengthening the case against Duterte and his allies.
• As a former police intelligence officer, his testimony carried weight and his allegations were taken seriously by the QuadCom.
• His allegations, if proven true, could further damage Duterte’s already tarnished legacy and potentially lead to accountability for his actions.
• His testimony made in the early part of the QuadCom probe led to the perceived upswing of the QuadCom investigation, encouraging other witnesses to come forward and share their experience. 

Acierto submitted an intelligence report claiming Michael Yang was involved in drug trade. In a reversal of fortune, it was Acierto, who faced charges. He was alleged to have been involved in shabu smuggling that fetched at least P11 billion, specifically the shabu in magnetic lifter smuggling. A Manila Regional Trial Court issued an arrest warrant for Acierto for being part of a drug smuggling syndicate. The RTC issued a hold order to prevent his departure. The PNP has offered a reward of P10 million for information leading to his immediate arrest, but this has been unsuccessful as he has remained at large. 

Jimmy Guban, a former Bureau of Customs intelligence officer, testified before the QuadCom that Rep. Paolo Duterte, his brother-in- law Mans Carpio, and Michael Yang were allegedly involved in illegal drug smuggling, including the P11 billion shabu smuggled through magnetic lifters in 2018. Guban alleged that a lower-ranked Bureau of Customs officer told him, “don’t be afraid because Mans Carpio, Pulong Duterte, and Michael Yang own the shipment.” He recanted his earlier testimony that implicated Acierto in the smuggling case, saying that he was pressured to hide the names of the Dutertes and their associates. 

Guban alleged that Paul Gutierrez, the former head of the Presidential Task Force on Media Security, threatened him if he linked Yang, Duterte, and Carpio to the illegal drug trade, warning that his life would be in danger if he did so. Gutierrez denied the allegation. Guban also linked Benny Antiporda, the project director of the P480 million seaside dolemite project at Roxas Blvd., to efforts to silence him. 

Guban’s testimony corroborated other evidence presented at the QuadCom hearings, adding credibility to the allegations against the implicated individuals. His testimony sparked public uproar and scrutiny over the involvement of high-profile individuals in the illegal drug trade. QuadCom took Guban’s testimony seriously. Barbers said that it would assess the credibility of his claims and determine the next course of action. For his part, the half-witted dela Rosa questioned Guban’s credibility.

For his part, Mark Taguba, a former Bureau of Customs “fixer,” testified at QuadCom that his involvement with the Davao Group, which was allegedly linked to Rep. Paolo Duterte, son of former President Rodrigo Duterte, was based on the following revelations; 

•  Taguba claimed to have paid P5 million to join the Davao Group to avoid harassment and ensure smooth transactions with the BoC. He handed over the payment to Davao City Councilor Nilo “Small” Abellera Jr., a supposed close friend of Rep. Paolo Duterte.
•  Taguba revealed a “tara” system where he paid P170,000 per container to BOC officials for fast release of cargoes. He claimed to have processed up to 100 containers a week, which were easily released.
•  Taguba implicated Rep. Paolo Duterte in the Davao Group, stating that members mentioned the congressman would handle payments for “tara.” However, Taguba said he never met Rep. Duterte personally. 

Taguba claimed to have received death threats because of his revelations, implicating Paolo Duterte and Mans Carpio. He said that he feared for his family’s safety, particularly his mother. Taguba initially recanted his testimony and went to express his apology to Paolo Duterte and Mans Carpio after he faced backlash. But in subsequent hearings he reaffirmed his original statement. Due to concerns for his safety, QuadCom requested the detention of Taguba, currently a prison inmate. His whereabouts are unknown. 

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‘CONTEMPT OF COURT’ 

IN the series of public hearings that lasted from morning until a little over past midnight of the following day, Quadcom cited several witnesses “in contempt” of its proceedings and sent them to jail, but briefly. It was intended more to serve notice than punish them. QuadCom’s contempt power has been an effective way to coax witnesses to tell the truth. It was a way for lawmakers to get even with witnesses, who were lying to their teeth. 

As if they were cornered cats, witnesses in congressional inquiries invoked “self incrimination” to escape the lawmakers’ probing eyes and decline further statement or disclosure. A witness invokes his right to remain silent by citing Article 3, Section 17 of the 1987 Constitution: “No person shall be compelled to be a witness against himself.” This provision safeguards individuals from being forced to testify or provide information against his will. 

Self-incrimination refers to the intentional or unintentional act of providing information that suggests one’s involvement in a crime. Hence, he exposes himself to criminal prosecution. The right is essentially not to be compelled to serve as a witness against himself. It secures a witness, whether he is a party or not, the right to refuse to answer any particular incriminatory question. 

SELF-INCRIMINATION. Invoking the right against self-incrimination can be done through clear statements such as “I am invoking my right to remain silent.” But the exercise of this right could collide or obstruct the process of justice. When its exercise could mean the inability to ferret out the truth, whether in a congressional hearing or a court of law, congressional leaders in the Senate or House of Representatives, or those judges in a court of law, could brandish their declaration “in contempt of court.” 

The refusal to state or disclose impedes the formation of a public policy in a congressional hearing or the dispensation of justice in a court of law. In exercising this contempt power, the judge or lawmaker can impose fines and imprisonment. Contempt has two categories: first being disrespectful to legal authorities in the courtroom and these include judges and law enforcers, or lawmakers; and second, refusal to obey a court order. 

Contempt proceedings enforce remedies like injunctions. In court and congressional hearings, contempt could include the refusal to respond to subpoena. Refusal to provide information can constitute contempt either in the court or Congress. 

‘FOR THE LAST TIME.’ In QuadComm probes on EJKs, among other issues, the Senate on POGOs, and congressional public hearings on the proposed 2025 national budget, lawmakers have raised many times the specter to declare certain witnesses “in contempt” for their refusal to make further statements or disclosures. They issued the ultimatum to ask the witnesses to issue their statements “for the last time” or else they faced the contempt order. 

QuadCom twice imposed the contempt orders on Herminio “Harry” Roque Jr. The first contempt was issued on Aug. 28, 2024 after he failed to attend its last public hearing. He said he was attending a court hearing, but upon verification by the Committee Secretariat, it was found out that Roque lied, as he did not have any court hearing on the date of QuadCom public hearing. Roque later apologized claiming a mix-up in his schedule. The second contempt was issued on Sept. 4, 2024 after he failed to submit documents, which he had promised to submit to back up his claim of legal propriety for the sudden increase of his assets. 

QuadComm asked the following: medical records of his wife, Mylah Roque; deed of sale and BIR transfer tax payments of the 1.8-hectare land in Multinational Village, Paranaque; all documents submitted to the Securities and Exchange Commission, including the trust agreement, regarding the transfer of shares to lawyer Percival Ortega; extrajudicial settlement of estate of a named aunt, including its BIR tax returns; his Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN) from 2016 to 2022 with proofs of receipt; income tax returns of Biancham Holdings and Trading Corp. from 2014 to 2022; income tax of Roque and his wife from 2014 to 2022 ; judicial affidavit executed by Ronalyn Baterna; and Judicial affidavit executed by Katherine Cassandra Li Ong. 

‘KANGAROO COURT.’ Instead of submitting them, Roque cowardly issued the statement that the QuadComm was a “kangaroo court” for allegedly oppressing him. He sent an appeal to the Supreme Court to quash the subpoena duces tecum asking him to submit the documents, but it was denied. Then, he disappeared like a bubble, only to resurface later in Europe. 

This was not the end for him. While he was in hiding to escape the contempt charges against him and his wife, Roque was charged with qualified human trafficking in connection with the alleged activity of Lucky South 99, a Chinese-owned POGO hub in Porac, Pampanga. The DoJ filed the charges before the Angeles City Regional Trial Court. The DoJ alleged that Roque conspired with the other accused individuals to facilitate human trafficking activity, including forced labor, slavery, debt bondage, and involuntary servitude. 

On May 8, 2024, the Angeles City Regional Trial Court issued an arrest warrant against Roque, citing probable cause for his involvement in the nonbailable human trafficking offense. As his way to escape possible imprisonment, he was reported to have sought political asylum in The Netherlands, claiming he was a victim of political persecution. But there was no report it was ever granted. At best, the Dutch government did not act on his request. 

The DoJ informed the Dutch government that he was never a victim of political persecution and explained the status of the contempt charges that he faces at the House and the qualified human trafficking charges against him before the RTC. The DoJ has also asked the Interpol to issue a Red Notice against Roque. At the moment, Roque was reported to have been in The Netherlands, where he gave pro-Duterte podcast statements there.[11] 

UNCOOPERATIVE. Quadcom cited former Bamban Mayor Alice Guo for her evasive answers and frequent invocation of her constitutional right against self-incrimination in the QuadCom public hearings. The supercommittee found her to be uncooperative and accused her of making a mockery of the Filipino people. Incidentally, Guo faces court charges of exploiting loopholes in the country’s legal and identification systems to set up businesses linked to illegal syndicates. 

Certain minor witnesses were cited in contempt of Quadcom’s proceedings. Among them was Cassandra Ong, who was cited in contempt twice for alleged dishonesty and evasive answers in the public hearings. She claimed to have forgotten her educational background and was accused of being a pathological liar by Rep. Janette Garin, a QuadCom member. She was detained at the Correctional Institution for Women (CIW) in Mandaluyong City. 

Also cited was Teddy Tumang, former mayor of Mexico town in Pampanga, for lying and evading questions from committee members. Paduano, also dubbed as “Mr. Contempt” for his frequent invocations of the contempt powers on uncooperative witnesses, presented evidence of Tumang’s alleged connections to Chinese nationals involved in illicit activities. He was detained inside the House premises until the termination of the investigation. 

QuadCom cited in contempt ex-Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA) chief Wilkins Villanueva, but it was implemented when session resumed on Jan. 13, 2025. Paduano reminded Villanueva of his right to file a motion to lift the contempt order on him.[12] 

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 WEAKNESSES 

QUADCOM’S probe was not exactly positive contrary to the impressions of observers, who felt its probe was too good to be true. It was hampered by institutional issues and  weaknesses that hampered its mandate and probe. According to Barbers, these included the following: 

The supercommittee’s work was shortened by politics, threats and intimidations to certain witnesses, and orchestrated efforts to bury the truth, leaving many questions unanswered. Moreover, despite QuadCom’s reinstitution and reactivation  in the 20th Congress, concerns remain on its ability to tackle complex issues within a limited time frame. 

As admitted by Barbers, some witnesses were threatened, and some disappeared, undermining the gathering of crucial testimonies and evidence. Its work was derailed by noises that tended to compromise its independence and effectiveness. It faced resistance from certain powerful vested interests that included state officials like police officials and organized crime syndicates, which undermined its authority and effectiveness. 

According to Barbers, the formation of a new QuadCom in 20th Congress could overcome the challenges by instituting strong and independent leadership to ward off political pressures and foster popular support to keep its works transparent and accessible to the people. He foresaw the necessity to institute measures to protect witnesses and prevent intimidation and the tampering of evidence. He urged the new QuadCom to protect witnesses and work closely with other state agencies, including law enforcement and anti-corruption bodies, to leverage its expertise and resources. 

PROGRESS REPORT. Incidentally, QuadCom released on Dec. 18, 2024, a progress report that outlined key findings and recommendations based on the first 13 public hearings into extrajudicial killings (EJKs), illegal drugs, and operations of Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators (POGOs). The progress report cited the following:

 •           QuadCom recommended the filing of crimes against humanity charges against Duterte, Go, dela Rosa, and other police officials in connection with the reported EJKs during the war on drugs of the Duterte administration. It should be noted that this was among the highlights of the updated final report submitted on Jan. 14, 2025. 

•           The progress report criticized Duterte’s allegation of four million drug users in the country, stating that the figure lacked basis and was used to justify systematic killings. The final report dismissed this baseless claim because it simply did not make sense to add it.  

•           Citing a Dangerous Drugs Board study, the progress report said the previous administration’s war on drugs resulted in only a slight decline in the number of drug users. 

QuadCom’s progress report proposed amendments to several laws that included the Local Government Code of 1991 mainly to address the legislative gaps, which the Duterte administration used and exploited, and the Anti-Money Laundering Act to strengthen anti-money laundering efforts. It mentioned the need to protect witnesses and ensure their cooperation. Other recommendations included four bills, which included the classification of EJKs as heinous crimes and the proposed stiffer penalties. 

The progress report cited the proposed ban on all POGO operations and the proposed civil forfeiture of unlawfully acquired pieces of property and the administrative cancellation of fraudulent birth certificates. Incidentally, a QuadCom probe discovered that those Chinese nationals, who posed as Filipinos, used fraudulently issued birth certificates to prove their alleged Filipino nationality. These points in the progress report were also cited in the final report although with slight modifications. 

MOST GUILTY. In a nutshell, QuadCom’s final report on Jan. 14, 2025 recommended the filing of crimes against humanity charges against Duterte, Go, and dela Rosa, and several other police officials because they could be regarded as the most guilty in the bloody but failed war on drugs. It uncovered links between POGOs and illegal activities like drug trafficking, money laundering, and corporate fraud. Firms like Empire 999 Realty Corporation, tied to Chinese drug lord Willie Ong, were found to use fraudulent documents to acquire land and assets. Most disturbing were the testimonies revealing a “reward system” in the war on drugs. 

As QuadCom proposed several remedial legislation on the Local Government Code of 1991, Anti-Money Laundering Act, and the Witness Protection Act, QuadCom likewise proposed new bills like classifying extrajudicial killings as heinous crimes and prohibiting all POGOs. A worthy recommendation  was its proposed creation of an interagency body to probe EJKs and create an independent Internal Affairs unit within the Philippine National Police (PNP). 

QuadCom found money laundering evidence through corporations and persons, including ex-Bamban Mayor Alice Guo, who allegedly funneled illicit funds through entities like QJJ Farm and RMCE Metal Products Trading Co. QuadCom’s probe sought to hold them accountable. 

The QuadCom probe has had several far-reaching consequences. It led to the exposure of what could be regarded as some of the most gruesome and dirtiest crimes known to the Filipino people and they were committed during the Duterte administration. Its probe led to substantial evidence and testimonies that implicated Duterte and other high-ranking officials in serious crimes, including EJKs and corruption. QuadCom’s findings and testimonies could be used by the ICC in its probe into Duterte’s war on drugs. 

Some drawbacks were mentioned in QuadCom’s works and probes. Its critics said the investigation was “politically motivated”; its probe was considered a “political ploy” to discredit Duterte and his allies. There were impressions that certain witnesses did not undergo sufficient cross examination and the hearings were allegedly orchestrated by unidentified ICC operatives. There were also feelings that it could have been biased and influenced by the House of Representatives’ composition and the Speaker Romualdez’s political agenda. 

ACCOMPLISHMENT. Its biggest accomplishment was Duterte’s admission of responsibility for the ill-fated war on drugs and the EJKs of thousands of suspected drug pushers and users. The ex-president, in a public display of bravado and bravura, assumed “full responsibility” for his drug war policy, although he stated in a qualified statement that he could not be regarded guilty for every suspect killed. QuadCom used this stance to recommend the filing of charges against him for crimes against humanity under RA 9851. 

As expected, Duterte, long perceived to be a narcissist, gave no apology for his antidrug war policy and cockily dared the ICC to probe him for his crimes. Again, this stance did not deter QuadCom for recommending the filing of charges against him and other officials, including Go and dela Rosa, for their alleged involvement in EJKs. It did not stop QuadCom to highlight Duterte’s role in the “Davao Model” of the reward system for police officers involved in EJKs. In the long run, QuadCom’s probe possessed significant implications for his legacy and legal consequences. 

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 PUBLIC REACTIONS 

RODRIGO Duterte’s appearance at the Nov. 13, 2024, public hearing of the QuadCom sparked public reactions. Thousands of supporters gathered in certain locations, showing solidarity with Duterte. According to press reports, around 50,000 protestors nationwide supported the former president in full demonstration of what could be considered the enduring appeal of authoritarian populism. 

The anti-Duterte protest was not to be left behind. Human rights groups and opposition forces held protests to condemn EJKs and demanded justice for the EJK victims. These protests saw the polarizing effects of the EJKs and deep divisions in Filipino society over Duterte’s policies. Overall, its probe contributed to how the ICC handled Duterte. 

Duterte admitted he was responsible for the EJKs that took place during his presidency, stating his “only sin” was the extrajudicial killings (EJKs). His statement was made in the context of QuadCom’s probe into the alleged use of intelligence funds to sustain a reward system for police officers involved in drug-related EJKs. His confession has significant implications for his prosecution, particularly in the ICC. 

CONFRONTATION. Tension filled the conference room when ex-Senator Antonio Trillanes IV accused Duterte and his relatives of having bank accounts linked to drug lords, presenting bank transactions worth P2.4 billion. Duterte reacted aggressively, grabbing a microphone and threatening to throw it at Trillanes, who badgered him to issue a bank waiver so that his claims could be independently verified. Duterte told Trillanes, “Anong kapalit? Sampalin ko siya sa publiko? Ngayon na, sampalin ko sa publiko,” which translates to “At what cost? Can I slap him in public? I’ll do it now.” This prompted the hearing’s temporary suspension. 

Before the incident, Duterte made a similar gesture as if to punch de Lima, who was seated between him and Trillanes. De Lima later called out Duterte for his actions, saying she was not afraid of him. After the confrontation, Duterte apologized for his behavior, which was accepted by House Deputy Speaker David Suarez, who was presiding to enable Barbers to take a brief rest. Suarez reminded everyone to observe decorum during the hearing. 

Answering a query of then Rep. Raoul Manuel of the Kabataan Party List if he was prepared to the ICC investigation, Duterte cockily replied: “The ICC does not scare me a bit.” Duterte even dared the ICC to come over and investigate him. He went to bully the gentle Manuel, who patiently endured him.